National / Left Critique of December 18 - final document adopted at ' unanimity
1. The crux of the bottom of the current situation is a crisis. The economic crisis is far from over, even more acute and you start to experience the social accounts. The reasons for the crisis, the estimates of its duration, breadth and depth of the consequences, recipes hegemonic (see the results of the EU summit) and the alleged shortcomings of alternatives (social democratic or otherwise) continue to be the decisive phase and refer to other documents and analysis products last year. It is worth emphasizing the political effects of the crisis. A growing dedebolezza governments unable to combine their profession of faith with liberal recipes for credible solutions. Political crises, sometimes institutional, are frequent, from Italy to the U.S. Obama, Sarkozy's France to Britain. Whilst it is absurd to speak of a crisis of the bourgeoisie, certainly we can talk about the crisis of his political mediation in the absence of viable alternatives, may lead to worst option, authoritarian and undemocratic. And in particular expresses the difficulty of the painting "national" to manage a crisis and a global economy that is supra-national accounts with large-size players such as China or the U.S. itself.
2. E 'in this context that the crisis must be seen in Italian politics, far from over with the salvation of the Berlusconi government. The crisis is multi-center, sees the erosion of the center, the confusion of the center, the stirrings uncertain of the "third pole". The transmigration of parliament is certainly consistent expression of a political-institutional formula not working - law in a majority electoral system even parliamentary-proportional - but it is also the result of the economic crisis that sees governments unable of effective social responses, and then grappling with the issue of consent. Consensus evaporates, and even members of parliament, and political forces, ranging in search of a safe haven. The growth of the abstention proves it. Hence, a growing separation between the "palace" and "square" with the latter seeking to enter the first search of almost non-existent and a representation of a possibility of attack that seems to almost not exist anymore. The Berlusconi government survives for now and can certainly feed dall'inconsistenza parliamentary opposition and the inability, for now, to find unity by effective social opposition.
3. The crisis has been given an initial response, partial instinctive at times angry, December 14. What we have seen at work in Rome was not the product of some lunatic fringe or even less improbable "professionals of violence" but the signs of a real youth revolt. Vista already at work in London but also in Athens or Paris. The crisis extends the positions that can sometimes even become "desperate" in form and without a political perspective of the whole. The radical, moreover, can not be separated from one strategy to achieve effective results through mechanisms that strengthen the collective movements and ensure effective democratic self-determination. The practice of struggle must be necessary for keeping and growth of the movement, should not be considered abstractly. To judge this the explosion of 14 December as a symptom of unexpressed anger and the rumblings of a rebellion that can be a winner can not be limited to the aesthetic gesture but must find the path, alliances, appropriate time frames. So we think that the perspective of the general strike and widespread, able to block the country really, is a necessary perspective. So it is important to reiterate our solidarity and support for students whose struggle to the contribution of Sinistra Critica was certainly important.
4. The day of Dec. 14, its essential loneliness, in addition to the difficulties that the movement faces show in our opinion, even a persistent crisis of the left side and effective as anti-capitalist political solution in the absence of a successful solution of the struggle. It 'a crisis that lasts a long time and which is focused on our own. Crisis which is also the inability of the trade union front. The CGIL continues to be unavailable to the perspective of the general strike, under the line of his arbitration concerted and direction but also the day of 16 October, so important and relevant, so far has not produced advances in the ability to reconstruct the struggles and those antagonists to the crisis. Even the sign "United against the crisis," the result of intuition correct, is likely to be alone the "logo" of existing structures rather than a necessary tool for consolidation. In which, among other things, can not miss the contribution of grassroots unions, unfortunately absent from the day of the December 14 and still capable of major battles, such as the income tax office in Rome but at the time not readily available in a single location.
5. Under these conditions, we believe that the priority phase is to build a possible unity of movements around a platform to address the crisis and password of the general strike and widespread. In this direction, we flip the proposal of a "Forum of the Socialist opposition, both nationally and locally, to be understood not as a sum of acronyms or mini-devices but as real convergence of real movements. The student movement is the natural custodian of this hypothesis can not be shaken abstractly but should mature into the heart of social conflict. All forms of struggle that can make this more concrete proposal to be visited and strengthened to achieve a truly united movement against the crisis.
6. A specific battle, and of undoubted importance, is that the success of the referendum for public water. In January the Constitutional Court decides on the legality of the consultation at which point the campaign will be opened. We will work hard in this battle, even with the creation of an ecological conference in February. We will do with the conviction that the battle for public water reinforces one of the crucial movements of our time, that for the common good and sustainable society, we want an autonomous movement, rooted, democratically organized.
6. With legs firmly planted in the social movements, but we want to revive an anti-capitalist platform as the only way to end the crisis. The Berlusconi government may survive a little 'time, especially in the absence of an alternative, but the post-Berlusconi has already appeared on the horizon. In this perspective, our challenge is to build a political project that constitutes a very effective answer for millions of working men and women through an appropriate program phase that is able to act at the level of contradictions. We claim a battle for the general income and wages is imposed on profits and rents, which privatized the gains and socialize losses, achieving the opposite of what he wants to do global capitalism. We want a law prohibiting the layoffs, the nationalization of companies in crisis or big banks, as a social minimum subsistence income for pensioners, and unemployed-e. precarious and unstable, we want to make a great environmentally sustainable plan that addresses the issue of the crisis on the planet, starting with the collapse of the territories, the refusal of the logic underlying the "great works" of the restoration of essential public goods: water, energy, communication, information. The design of an anti-capitalist program we are committed to achieving a national conference.
7. The complexity of the crisis, the difficulty of rebuilding a mass anti-capitalist party require our increased ability to study and self-training. The anti-capitalist left that we will not be born quickly, it will need testing, testing, unknown interlocutor. For this we want to strengthen our capacity for reflection, using the best magazine Erre, the Center studies and in particular giving rise to the "school of political education" and that Congress already approved will have a first test with the seminar young people in January 2011. This is to define a political offer that level is able to effectively monitor the dynamics of the new capitalism, to investigate the modern class structure, to build relationships with the many existing social subjects, to conduct an adequate reflection of the forms of political and practices of conflict, to structure the links between ecology and economy. But also to re-establish a modern "theory of revolution." "We need a revolution" is a slogan of our time to revive a debate which should be trivial and not up to date. It 'a commitment that we take in this coordination.
8) Pad of our building and the construction of a larger project is also the definition of electoral rolls during the local elections and in anticipation of those policies. This attitude, which we reiterate here, however, can not in any way conflict with the project and the profile that we have data. Critical Left is willing to build large lists, plurals, appealing to existing social movements, non-ideological, much less tied to the residue of a past history. In this sense, appealing again open to all forces available to build such a project, knowing that we are not interested improbable "unity of the Communists." We are interested on lists anti-capitalist, environmentalist, feminist movements and open to political forces interested in rebuilding a minimum of blocker critical mass. In this spirit, we are preparing for local office in Naples, Bologna, Milan, Turin and other cities in which we are engaged with this approach and address any general election.
9) To sustain in a difficult phase Sinistra Critica needs not only to improve their supply policy, strengthen its organization - to which the enrollment of 2010 over a holding important - to sharpen the political but also to strengthen the its social roots. Should be given to our organic social intervention trying to use as exemplary experience - although not automatically reproducible - the excellent work done in the student movement. We therefore pledge to consolidate the operation in the world of work to be understood not only as a trade union action, but raising activity directed towards the Left critique of the workplace, and especially of modern precarious condition. We want to strengthen the ecological intervention efforts in a positive commitment from committee secretaries for public water. We want to give continuity, particularly in difficult times like this, to our feminist profile, building our working group in the direction of a political and social framework. We want to finally make organic to our communication through the improvement of existing tools, especially with no formal commitment to the dissemination and season tickets Erre the magazine.
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